The Soviet historian Roy Medvedev cites evidence that suggests that Lenin’s fatal stroke was brought on by his anguish over the increasingly ferocious attacks being directed against Trotsky inside the party. These criticisms were generally based on the apparent “realities” of the political situation: Trotsky was too isolated to build an International, his call would go unnoticed, the prestige of the Comintern was still too great within the international workers’ movement, a new International could only be built on the basis of a victorious revolution, etc. “Worker-Communists,” he wrote, “you are hundreds of thousands, millions; you cannot leave for any place; there are not enough passports for you. The police initially dismissed their outlandish claims. The blood purges which were launched with the opening of the first round of the Moscow Trials in August 1936 were intended not only to eradicate all those who might become the focus of revolutionary opposition to the bureaucracy, but also to demonstrate to the world bourgeoisie that the Stalinist regime had broken irrevocably with the heritage of 1917. The post-war Soviet Union faced major economic and social problems, soon in the dangerous context of the Cold War. However, and here he was answering the numerous intellectual sycophants of the Kremlin, the policies of the Stalinist regime, despite the short-term successes, were intensifying the contradictions of the Soviet state and leading toward its destruction. The Soviet regime expressed the tension between these two antagonistic functions of the workers’ state: defending social property in the means of production while at the same time supervising bourgeois methods of distribution and therefore defending the privileges of a minority. In 1946 Stalin gave Zhdanov the task of denouncing two of Leningrad's leading writers, Anna Akhmatova and Mikhail Zoshchenko, as part of a vicious campaign against 'bourgeois formalism' in Soviet culture known, unfairly, to history as the Zhdanovshchina. Trotsky then outlined the transitional demands with which a Soviet section of the Fourth International would seek to mobilize the working class for the revolutionary overthrow of the Stalinist regime: freedom for the trade unions and factory committees, the regeneration of Soviet democracy, the legalization of Soviet parties, the ouster of the bureaucracy from the soviets and the abolition of its privileges, the revision of the planned economy in the interests of workers and consumers, the reorganization of the collective farms in accordance with the will of the workers, and the replacement of the bureaucracy’s collaboration with world imperialism with the Marxist program of proletarian internationalism. But if the bureaucracy retained power and continued to stifle, in the interests of its own privileged position, the creative possibilities of the nationalized productive forces and central planning, a catastrophic relapse into capitalism, ending with the destruction of the USSR, was also possible. Trotsky was among the greatest exponents of the materialist dialectic which was, and remains, the imperishable contribution of Marxism to the development of human thought. These restrictions had their intended effect: for four crucial months, Trotsky was blocked from publicly answering the monstrous charges made against him by the Stalinist regime.[8]. “The school and the social life of the student,” he wrote, “are saturated with formalism and hypocrisy” (p. 137). If the correspondence from Soviet workers and intellectuals that now streams into the offices of the International Committee of the Fourth International on an almost daily basis can be taken as an indication of the political renaissance of the Soviet masses from the Stalinist Dark Ages, then there can be no doubt that The Revolution Betrayed is destined to play a gigantic role in the Soviet revolution’s resurgence. Please consider upgrading your browser software or enabling style sheets (CSS) if you are able to do so. Who among them predicted even after the accession of Gorbachev to power that the Soviet government would reject the principle of central planning, repeal all restrictions on private ownership of the means of production, proclaim the market to be the highest achievement of civilization, and seek the complete integration of the USSR into the economic and political structure of world capitalism? Leon Trotsky wrote both the best history of the Russian Revolution of 1917, but also the pioneering analysis of the subsequent Stalinist counter-revolution which replaced the workers' regime by In this book, Trotsky provided a brilliant and profound analysis of Stalinism, which has never been improved upon, let alone superseded. Most of the evidence indicates that Stalin indeed expected Hitler to turn eastwards - but only after Britain had been subdued. Indeed, chapter 5 of The Revolution is Betrayed is entitled “The Soviet Thermidor – Why Stalin Triumphed.” According to Trotsky, the “counter-revolutionaries” were the caste of bureaucrats, opportunist and careerist parasites who preached that, after the shock and exhaustion of revolution and civil war, the proletariat deserved a rest. But since the accession of Gorbachev to power, this analysis is not merely finding a theoretical verification in the form of a general historical tendency. To Mensheviks? Transcribed for the Internet: by Zodiac between August 1993 and March 1996. ― Dimitri Rascalov Russian Revolution is a mission in Grand Theft Auto IV. And while thousands were dying every day, news about Leningrad's ordeal was totally censored. Pre-1905: Imperial Russia and Rise of Revolutionary Groups Arrest of a Propagandist (1892) by Ilya Repin. Make haste, worker-Communists, you have very little time left!” (Leon Trotsky, Germany: 1931-32 [London: New Park Publications, 1970], p. 38). The events of the last five years provide an objective means of comparing the scientific value of Trotsky’s masterpiece of Marxist analysis to the conformist and pedestrian works of innumerable stipend-laden academics and prize-winning journalists. Listening to the resolutions—so harshly formulated and unjust in their conclusions—Lenin again became intensely agitated. When his book was first published in German in 1969, it bore the title Die Verratene Revolution – the betrayed revolution – an adjective much more in tune with his analysis than the ‘failure’ of the English translation. In addition Animal Farm is a satire and allegory of the Russian Revolution, George Orwell meant for it to be that way. For a time Burnham attempted to reconcile his political sympathy for the views of Trotsky with his increasingly hostile attitude toward the philosophical validity of dialectical materialism. One of Marxism's most important texts, The Revolution Betrayed explores the fate of the Russian Revolution after Lenin's death. And this shameful interdiction was not violated or overthrown. 1. [See The Prophet Outcast, Vintage, p. “The Trotskyists,” they wrote, “base their revolutionary perspectives upon the maturing contradictions between the bureaucratic setup and the working masses which will lead the latter toward a forthright challenge to the totalitarian dictatorship. The Fourth International was not caught unprepared. But we consider the export of revolution—nonsense. Shortly before his death, he was awarded the Medal of Freedom by Ronald Reagan. Trotsky was remarkably attuned to the realities of daily life in the USSR. Leon Trotsky wrote both the best history of the Russian Revolution of 1917, but also the pioneering analysis of the subsequent Stalinist counter-revolution which replaced the workers' regime by © Capitalism could not be restored without crushing the Soviet working class. For four months these ministers, dripping with democratic hypocrisy, gripped me in a stranglehold to prevent me from protesting the greatest crime history may ever know” (Leon Trotsky, Writings of Leon Trotsky [1936-37] [New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970], p. 36). In such a case, the Gorbachev experience will succeed” (Ibid., p. xv). The primary political criterion for us is not the transformation of property relations in this or another area, however important these may be in themselves, but rather the change in the consciousness and organization of the world proletariat, the raising of their capacity for defending former conquests and accomplishing new ones. Stalin had hoped that the expulsion of Trotsky would deprive him of the possibility of developing the activity of the Opposition in the Soviet Union. Within the USSR, the bureaucracy, Trotsky warned, was the principal social source of counterrevolution. “They would like,” he noted, “categorical formulae: yes—yes, and no—no.” But social reality consists of contradictions that cannot be comprehended within the rigid framework of a logical syllogism. While the practical political conclusions drawn by Pablo and Mandel were, on the surface, quite different from those formulated a decade earlier by Burnham and Shachtman, their underlying historical perspective was, on a more profound level, strikingly similar. With low reserves of food and fuel, only a trickle of supplies, and rations at starvation level, without heating or lighting, running water or drainage, and exposed to one of the bitterest winters on record as well as to continual bombing and shelling, they died in appalling numbers. The demands, he insisted, could be secured only through “the victorious revolutionary uprising of the oppressed masses,” and the task “of leading the Soviet masses to insurrection” fell to the Fourth International. Stalin was well aware of the distinctive ethos that three years of relative autonomy from Moscow had fostered in Leningrad. Thus, on January 31, 1933 Hitler came to power without a shot being fired. The October Revolution was itself the product of the greatest of all historical paradoxes. From 1918 to 1926, moreover, it was the power base of Grigorii Zinoviev, one of Stalin's main rivals to succeed Lenin. The form assumed by that degeneration was the massive growth of the bureaucracy in the apparatus of the Soviet state and the Bolshevik Party and the extraordinary concentration of power in its hands. The “betrayal’ of the democracies in favor of fascism divests the USSR of its being considered a workers’ state. The fall of the present bureaucratic dictatorship, if it were not replaced by a new socialist power, would thus mean a return to capitalist relations with a catastrophic decline of the economy and culture” (pp. The revolutionary overthrow of the Stalinist regime was necessary because the material interests of the bureaucracy as a distinct social stratum had become so profoundly estranged from those of the working class that its domination of Soviet society was incompatible with the survival of the USSR as a workers’ state. But the notion that the Soviet national masses tend to await assistance from the armies of the Mikado or Hitler cannot be regarded as anything except delirium. The leading victims of the Leningrad Affair were the highest ranking figures to be eliminated in Stalin's last years, but it was only one of a series of purges of 'enemies of the people' within the party and state apparatus, culminating in the 'Doctors' Plot' of 1953. Georgii Zhukov was dispatched to galvanise Leningrad's demoralised defenders. With the advantage of surprise the Wehrmacht inflicted massive losses on the Red Army, rapidly penetrating deep into Soviet territory. “At this point,” according to an account based on the recollection of witnesses to the proceedings and their ironic aftermath, “Trotsky raised his voice so that it resounded through the halls and corridors of the Ministry: ‘This is your first act of surrender to Nazism in your own country. THE REVOLUTION BETRAYED Zoom study group on Trotsky's Revolution Betrayed, Thursday 8pm to 9:30pm from 10 September through to 26 November. But far more powerful and influential, he warned, were “the fascist, counterrevolutionary elements, growing uninterruptedly, [who] express with ever greater consistency the interests of world imperialism. The Revolution Betrayed also provided, many years before the word nomenklatura entered into the international vocabulary of sociology and politics, a concise summation of the social layers of which the bureaucratic elite was composed. “We have a defender!’” (Leon Trotsky, Leon Sedov: Son, Friend, Fighter [New York: Labor Publications, 1977], pp. It has a great power of resistance, coinciding with the established property relations, with t… The bureaucratization of a backward and isolated workers’ state and the transformation of the bureaucracy into an all-powerful privileged caste constitute the most convincing refutation—not only theoretically, but this time practically—of the theory of socialism in one country. On numerous occasions he strenuously objected to popular definitions of the bureaucracy as a new ruling class. There still are too much want, misery and injustice and, consequently, dissatisfaction. They overlooked the fact that the changes in property relations carried out bureaucratically in Eastern Europe did not substantially challenge and, in many respects, fortified the political accords agreed upon by the Kremlin and the imperialists at Yalta and Potsdam. Trotsky’s insight into such problems as the productivity of labor, the role of money in socialist construction, the dangers of inflation, and the limitations of bureaucratic planning by itself proves that the attempt to identify Marxism with the bankrupt and ignorant policies of the bureaucracy is little more than slander. 58-59). To bourgeoisie? Share . Basing themselves entirely on the theoretical conceptions elaborated in The Revolution Betrayed 17 years earlier, the orthodox Trotskyists who founded the International Committee succeeded in producing an analysis of Stalinism in the aftermath of World War II and the death of Stalin whose remarkable prescience can best be appreciated in the light of recent developments. The Revolution Betrayed What is the Soviet Union and Where is it Going? Leon Trotsky (1879-1940), was the co-leader of the 1917 Russian Revolution, socialist opponent of Joseph Stalin, founder of the Fourth International, and strategist of world socialist revolution. Yet after less than four years the same government had indeed to flee from Norway before the Nazi invasion; and as the Ministers and their aged King Haakon stood on the coast, huddled together and waiting anxiously for a boat that was to take them to England, they recalled with awe Trotsky’s words as a prophet’s curse come true” (Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast: Trotsky 1929-40 [New York: Vintage Books, 1963], pp. Rather than spreading throughout the world and lasting for centuries, the Stalinist regimes lasted barely four decades.[15]. If What Is to Be Done is the Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers the October Revolution, then The Revolution Betrayed is the Eumenides and Trotsky is Orestes, trying to find reason among the blood that was shed for Marxism and seeking justice before the Furies in the Comintern rip him to shreds. The political conclusions upon which Trotsky based his call for the founding of the Fourth International were theoretically substantiated and given a finished programmatic form with the writing of The Revolution Betrayed. [14] Deutscher’s Stalin made it clear that his opposition to the founding of the Fourth International was not, as he had claimed at the time, the product of merely tactical differences over the feasibility of the project. Yet it is not, and never was, a socialist country. The book has been awarded with , and many others. “We must formulate our slogans,” Trotsky wrote, “in such a way that the workers see clearly just what we are defending in the USSR (state property and planned economy), and against whom we are conducting a ruthless struggle (the parasitic bureaucracy and its Comintern). After Niko and Dimitri agree to meet around the back of an abandoned warehouse in East Hook to collect the payment for Faustin's assassination. In all our subsequent work it is necessary to take as our point of departure the historical collapse of the official Communist International” (Leon Trotsky, Writings of Leon Trotsky [1932-33] [New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972] pp. The prolongation of the political and economic isolation of the Soviet Union was to have unforeseen and tragic consequences. To anarchists? What is certain is that Stalin seized the opportunity presented by Kirov's death to purge Leningrad of former oppositionists and members of the old ruling and professional classes - and also to appoint one of the rising generation of Stalinist cadres, Andrei Zhdanov, as ruler of the USSR's second city. It is virtually impossible to find in either the capitalist press or “respectable” academic treatises any reference to the Trotskyist, i.e., Marxist, critique of the Stalinist sabotage of the Soviet economy. Beneath the impact of these developments, there emerged a new challenge to the analysis presented by Trotsky in The Revolution Betrayed. Therefore, in defining the Soviet Union Trotsky deliberately eschewed the use of finished and static categories, such as capitalism and socialism. The turn by the USSR toward direct collaboration with the international bourgeoisie was complemented by the intensification of state repression within the borders of the degenerated workers’ state. In each case the cause of the defeat lay in the treachery of the old Social Democratic parties, which still commanded the support of a significant section of the working class, and the political immaturity of the new Communist organizations. The book was published in multiple languages including English, consists of 240 pages and is available in Paperback format. Little Jacobcalls Niko to express his suspicion of Dimitri's motives and insists on joining Niko as backup in case the deal turns sour. Dr John Barber relives the city's struggle, and explains why Stalin felt so threatened by the former capital that he purged 2,000 of its inhabitants. If the proletariat was congenitally incapable of becoming a ruling class, then there existed no possibility of a progressive solution to the contradictions of capitalism. Stalin was always suspicious of Russia's former capital. That the Bolsheviks have based their policy entirely upon the world proletarian revolution is the clearest proof of their political farsightedness and firmness of principle and of the bold scope of their policies” (Rosa Luxemburg, The Russian Revolution [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961], p. The two great lies of the post-World War II era—that Stalinism represents socialism and that capitalism, at least in its metropolitan centers, is compatible with peace and democracy—are being shattered by the force of events. The accusation by Solzhenitsyn and others that he trusted Hitler to keep to the terms of the Nazi-Soviet Pact of August 1939 is unconvincing. With his own clumsy assistance, it has succeeded in humiliating him. The Stalinist faction did not all at once renounce the goal of world revolution; rather, it indignantly protested the accusations of the Left Opposition. By giving its assent to the policies which had led to the destruction of the German workers’ movement, the Comintern demonstrated that it no longer served, even in the most tenuous manner, the cause of international socialism. The bureaucracy arose out of the contradictions of a backward and impoverished workers’ state isolated by the defeats of the proletarian revolution. An organization which was not roused by the thunder of fascism and which submits docilely to such outrageous acts of the bureaucracy demonstrates thereby that it is dead and that nothing can ever revive it. The timing was fortuitous: One day after the trial’s conclusion and the execution of the 16 defendants, the Norwegian Social Democratic government, submitting to pressure from the Kremlin, demanded that Trotsky renounce the right to publicly comment on contemporary political events, i.e., on the Moscow frame-up trial. Within a few weeks, he succeeded in publishing The Red Book on the Moscow Trials, which tore the indictment to shreds. Tweet . [4] By the autumn of that year, the divergence between the interests of the Soviet working class and the increasingly self-conscious bureaucracy found its expression in the formulation of a political line which was diametrically opposed to the internationalist program and perspectives upon which the Bolshevik Party had been based since its origin. “State ownership of the means of production, a necessary prerequisite to socialist development, opened up the possibility of rapid growth of the productive forces. His assassination in December 1934 has often been attributed to Stalin, though official investigations under Khrushchev, Gorbachev and Yeltsin failed to unearth conclusive evidence of this. “Sociological problems would certainly be simpler, if social phenomena had always a finished character. 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